Ethiopian news and information update

By Obo Arada Shawl

December 23, 2009

The spirit of Wallelign
The process of Debteraw
The writings of Hama Tuma
have triggered respectively, to the downfall of the Monarchy, the military Dictatorship and to Ethnic Tyranny
Introduction
The politics of Eathiopia tend to pull in different directions. It is definitely three-dimensional class, the class of EPRDF led by TPLF, the class of EPLF led by EPDJ and all others with or without EPRP. The collective thoughts of Wallelign, DEBTERAW and Hama have predicted the end of nation states long before they began the struggle for change. Nowadays, the Nation State appears to be almost a nostalgic fiction. Take, for instance the State of Eritrea, or Tigrai state, for that matter, ten years ago, both TPLF and EPLF were fighting tooth and nail to become a nation state.

Recently, I have been reading a book entitled the “generals” by Eyob A. Endale (shambel) It is a book about how the Ethiopian generals attempted to overthrow one of their own military dictator, Colonel Menghistu Haile Mariam. Why on earth do the “generals” attempt a coup d’etat? This week, we are hearing about death sentences against coup plotters. I thought we have passed the stage of coup d’etats!

What was/is wrong with the elites of Eathiopians? Where do they learn their life lessons? Is it from their parents, peers or genes? Or is it something else? Perhaps, their education or training is alien to the Eathiopian masses. Where were these coup d’etat plotters during the Ethiopian Revolution and counter-revolution? I was not only surprised but also shocked to read about the way the generals died. No wonder, the so-called generals had to loose the war against EPLF and TPLF. They seem not to learn anything from the Eway Revolution.

The concept of self-determination by Wallellign Kassa Mokenen, the Eway Revolution as applied by DEBTERAW, Tsegeye G. M and the challenge of electoral politics by the writings of Hama Tuma are all – assets and heritage of EPRP. No one seems to deny that the experience and heritage of EPRP would come to be the prime mover of struggle in the context of Eathiopia.

In the entire struggle for power and politics in Eathiopia, notwithstanding with the above assertions, there are two missing points. First, it is the nature of the Eathiopian Revolution and second, it is about how the strategy and tactics for the Revolution were applied. In the first instance, the Eathiopian Revolution was about change of concepts and attitudes and not changing of personalities. In the second instance, the methodology applied was guerrilla warfare – የተራዘመ ትግል – not coup d’etat – መፈንቅለ መንግሥት – or Insurrection – አመጽ -. Unless and otherwise, Eathiopian politicians are clear about these concepts, theories and applications, there will be no common ground to reach at a solution via reconciliation or negotiation.

For a good period of years, the Eathiopian politics will seem to pull along three-dimensional directions, i.e. Nationalism, Reaction or Revolution. In other words, Separation, Unification or Division. In actual fact, Eway Ethiopia has stepped into five dimensional directions, according to my mentor DEBTERAW. Let me briefly go over the missing points of departure.

The DERG military Factor: a power player
Although the DERG (comprised of 120 members) assumed political power without the generals of Ethiopia, nominally, they had placed personalities like generals Aman Andom and Teferi Bante, at least to lead them in name – hypocrisy.

On the one hand, it was true that the DERG’s pronouncement was based on a revolution and not on reform. The DERG led by Colonel Menghistu had attempted to destroy, the ancien regime, to harass the Bureaucrats, and to become friendly with Moscow and Havana in order to oppose western countries political system of government. While on the other hand, the DERG’s Politburo was mainly comprised of military men. This means that the generals were part and parcels of the military rulers of Eathiopia another hypocrisy.

The “generals” have seen not only the movement of the guerrilla fighters but also, their organizational set up. It was a truism that the nationalists were embarked on a long struggle based on the peasant masses. From the DERG’s side of movement and organizational structure, it was similar with a flavor of fear of the Dictator Colonel. What I don’t understand is the “generals” attempt to overthrow the dictator without throwing him from the plane or putting him under house arrest. Besides, not only a coup d’etat was “massacre” considering the generals’ power position. Why did they not learn from Menghistu’s ‘slogan of massacre’ ለምሳ ያሰቡንን ለቁርስ አደረግናቸው

Nevertheless, I am of the opinion that some of the military Eathiopian elites have learnt to accept a struggle for a democratic Eathiopia – a step in pentagonal dimension.
The“BEKAGN” and the “NOW” Generation Factor
This generation includes the victims of the DERG who were cheated by the military regime, particularly those students who were involved in Edget Behbret, those soldiers, marines, air forces or national guards; actually those who were promised by the DERG that it will return to its barracks once it has eliminated the ancient regime and its allies. Or alternatively, to those gullible Eathiopians who believed that Menghistu would fight until the last bullet to be used by him. Besides, this group includes those who were in prison or who saw deaths and mayhem within the “Revolution”.

The second groups of “NOW” are those would not believe that “Ethiopia” had a glorious history of trade, religion, independence and civilization. Even if it had, this generation claims it is of no value. All they are interested is”quick cash”. The amazing thing is that they don’t know what cash is let alone money and finance. This generation is a product of EPRDF.

The Walleligne Factor: Concept of Self-determination
The Eritrean concept of struggle for Indepndence obviously was initiated in 1896 right after the Italian occupation. 65 years later, the Eritrean struggle formally started with an armed struggle.

Politically, the struggle took shape when the University students especially the radical students determined to solve the question of nations and nationalities. The university students’ challenge against the administration, the professors and the subject matter became obsolete. The student body became followers of the radical student leaders.

As to the national question, many papers and discussions were presented but the most important article was written by WMK and it was presented on the occasion of freshman party. Later on, Walleligne’s article was published in the popular student magazine of ‘struggle’. The Ethiopian government newspapers condemned WMK’s article on the national question. The Ethiopian University Students were also depicted as anti-Ethiopia. Wallellign was labeled as an agent of Imperialism as well as anti-Amhara.

However, both charges against Wallellign were absolutely false. Once the Ethiopian government propaganda machine lied about Wallellign and the student body, other news media continued to lie about WMK and the student body.

Despite TPLF and EPLF’s distortion and damage of the question of nationality, WMK has sacrificed his life for the unity of Ethiopia via theory and application for he was Tsinhate Muhur Akal. The democratic nature of Wallellign will be honored when truth prevails.

Wallelign and his seven comrades* had attempted to hijack a plane and all killed but one by anti-hijackers. WMK and his comrades were not to kill or blow up themselves as in the current terrorists practice. They just wanted to scare the crew, the anti-hijackers and the passengers in that order. WMK and his team did not have the heart to kill but to sacrifice as their comrades in Assimba – shading blood if necessary – not in the name of the Eathiopians but in real terms. That event was a testimony for action.

As to the spirit of WMK, he was a highly motivated person and an honest thinker. He thought hard about the role of the ruling class. He knew that oppression (cultural and social) had created more damaging effect on the Eathiopian populace than exploitation (economic). WMK emphasized in his writings about the pretension of not only the Amharas but also even the Tigrians pretension of becoming Ethiopian with an “Amhara face”.

I do not think it is fair to blame WMK for the cession of Eritrea and others that would follow. And we should blame the TPLF for perpetuating the concept of self -determination out of context. Even now, the TPLF are caught between the followers of WMK’s article or becoming a wholesome Eathiopia. There is no creativity but copycat.

The DEBTERAW Factor: The Eway Revolution
DEBTERAW was prepared mentally, physically and emotionally to finish what was started – the Eway Revolution. He was not for coup d’etat; he was not for insurrection but for the long march of educating, organizing and arming the people of Eathiopia to empower them with information, knowledge and wisdom. DEMOCRACIA for DEBTERAW was a process not an end.

Articles on CALL ME BY NAME: a debate with DEBTERAW or Solutions with DEBTERAW should be revisited for grasping the essence of the Eway Revolution. They can be found on Debteraw.com Assimba.org Ethiox.com or by goggling on Goggle.

EPRP was the best political party fighting for the Eathiopian people. EPRP was a visionary political party for it saw the future and explained it in a new way

The Hama Tuma Factor: the struggle for Electoral politics
Hama Tuma is a prolific writer of Eathiopia as well as on African affairs. Since his early days of youth, he has been consistent with his ideology for combating against real or perceived enemies of Eathiopia and Africa.

EPRP was not well known for its political prowess or for its populist discontent, according to Hama’s writings

A politically correct struggle was a lost struggle. Take the Badme war, take the generals’ May coup d’etat, take the current article 39 in the constitution, and take Ginbot 7 Election or the coming election of 2010. They all depend on political correctness or in our parlance, feudal mentality.

However, it is time to reconsider EPRP’s role in the current Eathiopian situations/conditions, as its enemies were ferocious to disrupt its mission and physically destroy its entity. EPRP can only win when its leaders talk head to head, when its army meets face to face, when its members communicate heart to heart and when the party regardless communicates with all Eathiopians soul to soul.

The most “dissenting generation” against EPRP have been those groups who became vengeful of events and circumstances. Such groups are those who really believed that Eathiopia was first in everything but was destroyed by those who were involved in one way or another in a “revolution” or socialism. Or alternatively, these are the groups who prefer to blame others but not themselves or rather who are scared to express their opinions in public but mostly involved in back biting. Hama Tuma’s writing usually targets against such groups of hypocrites- አስመሳዮች – ፈሪዎችና ምንደጝች –

Conclusions
WMK has contributed a lot of ideas and thoughts for all Eathiopians to act whereas DEBTERAW’s contribution is immensurable in terms of implementing the ideas and concepts of the Eway Revolution.

Hama Tuma’s writing and exposition of opportunists and self-conceited Eathiopians along with their foreign masters have done incalculable damage to EPRP’s image but an immense benefit and pride to the majority of Eathiopians.

If Eathiopians were to sacrifice lives and resources in the Eway Revolution, we must finish the war and the struggle to its conclusion. We must be committed to win and reach the goal.

In addition, EPRP’s associates* its supporters should be educated and informed on EPRP’s current mission and vision. Its leaders should lead, its army should defend, and its members would support. All these three units were supposed to sacrifice lives and resources. EPRP was not for political correctness. It was founded on correct political and democratic system to be instituted in their country Eathiopia.

TRUTH WILL PREVAIL

For comments and questions፡

Comments on: "The Eway Revolution: the missing points: Solutions with spw of WDH" (12)

  1. […] (By Obo Arada Shawl)   WMK has contributed a lot of ideas and thoughts for all Eathiopians to act whereas DEBTERAW’s contribution is immensurable in terms of implementing the ideas and concepts of the Eway Revolution.  Hama Tuma’s writing and exposition of opportunists and self-conceited Eathiopians along with their foreign masters have done incalculable damage to EPRP’s image but an immense benefit and pride to the majority of Eathiopians.  Read More …… […]

  2. […] By Obo Arada Shawl:  WMK has contributed a lot of ideas and thoughts for all Eathiopians to act whereas DEBTERAW’s contribution is immensurable in terms of implementing the ideas and concepts of the Eway Revolution. Hama Tuma’s writing and exposition of opportunists and self-conceited Eathiopians along with their foreign masters have done incalculable damage to EPRP’s image but an immense benefit and pride to the majority of Eathiopians. Read More …… […]

  3. You are basing your classifications based on variations of thoughts/maxim’s from Eway Revoluition of WMK or EPRP or TPLF/Eprdf and what you label as the Now” and EPLF derived from it and the Dergue Military factor and what the tplf/eprdf call ‘Yedergue Rizraze and what you call “Bekagn’ in a socialist revoltionary movement. This was later converted for foreign donors consuption into revolutionary democractic fronts/parties. As far as I understand now, EPRP was engaged in a class struggle between the royalists, the balabats, and employers agaist the masses irrigardless of ethnicities, while TPLF and EPLF were engaged in liberation of their nations/ethnic groups, having miscontrued WMK’s notion of self-determination, the EWY Revolution, which as you stated were applied DEBTERAW, T.G. M and Hama Tuma with no mention of Ethiopian politics and the arange ment of the parties/factions and their supporters before and after 2005 election. However, vague the frame work thought is to me and what it will accomplish, different than the class struggle.

    What you failed to base model or classification upon is center your frame of your models based on ethnic ans seccionist politics initiated by WMK as you indicated and misinterpreted/applied by TPLF and EPLF and later by TPLF/eprdf to the point of incorporating it in the constitution, advancing the policy of ‘separate but equal” divide and rule policy of ethnic fedrealism and seccessionism that gives it the attribute of negative force of disintegration contrary to those who are engaged in positive forces of integration for Unity, Territorial Integrity, Sovereignity of Ethiopia and Ethiopians with adopted strategies to accomplish those goals. That I think are the alignments/arrangements of political parties and supporters in the past four years, with Medrek with ethnic agenda, forming a coalition of loyalist oppostion parties and UDJP, wearing two hats, and the loyalist opposion parties further making thie internal coalition to consolidate their ethnic agenda i.e. respect ethnic rights, a entitlement secured from TPLF/eprdf regime.

  4. Mr. Aha

    I am sorry to misunderstand your points, it may be because of mis-spelling.

    My article is about missing points of the Ethiopian Revolution. So let me ask you questions.

    1. Did you or do you believe that there was or still a Revolution in Eathiopia? Alternatively, do you think the revolution of the Derg, the TPLF and the EPLF was the same with that of EPRP? There should be a difference, otherwise, why did not they agree? Do not tell me of personal power. It was and is politics for EPRP not personal. But for Menghistu, Issaiyas and Melese, it is personal. Don’t you agree on this.

    2.As to the class struggle, there is always to be. Only languages change such as low income, middle income or higher income. The point is to ask whether the organizational party stands for what. True, EPRP stood for the working class (13%) of Eathiopians. The DERG stood for the military class (3%), the TPLF stood for its region (5%) and the EPLF stood for its elite class (10%). Do you have other figures or other arguments?

    3. If we agree on the Revolution, then we should be able to differentiate. We all know that the greater population of Eathiopia’s life and properties have been dismantled or damaged. What do we call this? How do we explain to our young generation? Can we tell them, there was neither Revolution nor War?

    4. Please, explain to the readers the difference between a revolution and a war.

    Thanks for your interest in the discussion.

  5. Corrigendum: Let me first make correction on my topic sentence derived from your article. In the first sentence please replace the word “or” with the word “to”. Having made that correction, I presenting my comment from a modular context of the variations of thoughts/maxims from Eway revolution to the subsequent variants and how each of these varions fit to current political model of the positive forces of integration for unity , Territorial integrity and sovereignity of Ethiopia and Ethiopians. I was was not attempting to make any remark on what you considered the missing points of the revolution and comparisons bteween war and revolution, coup de etat and revolution for that matter. Although from what I understand those engaged in liberation movements from TPLF, EPLF, OLF and ONLF are engaged in some kind of guerrila war to free themselves from the colonialist Ethiopia. At least EPRP’s struggle appeared to me like a class struggle between the royalists, the balabatsemployors and the landlords against the masses in general but limited to different levels of income, if they did not use an insurgent tactic of killing the Dergue loyalists. Although, I am not an ouright supporter of Dergue, for its Socialistic and Military dictatorship, which it partley shares with EPRP faction, which atleast maintains the the unity, and the Territorial Integrity of Ethiopia and lack open democratic processes.

    From that stand point, I consider missed opportunity of having not gone the route of constitutional monarchy to which Emperor Hailesellasie gave his consent to be adminstered by a prime minister just as in the British System of Democratic Government which paves the way for a democratic revolution without bloodshed. In that context, while I may agree of what you consider as missing points of the revolution, I rather put emphasis more on the missed opportunities of the the revolution all the way upto the 2005 election, when it reached its climax.

  6. Mr. Aha

    Thanks for the correction. You said Haile Sellasie attempted to pave a way for a democratic revolution by appointing a prime minister. We all know that the PM of Aklilu was symbolic. He even informed us that Tenagne, the princess was the prime minister at the time. But on the other hand, Haile Sellasie’s attempt for the promotion of higher education was commendable, on that ground, you are right he perhaps paved the way for democratic revolution.

    On the points of missing opportunities including and up to the 2005 election and the one coming on 2010, we are doing and redoing the same thing and that is we have not yet grasped what “democracy” means. It is very unfortunate that conditions on the ground are faster than our leaders mode of thinking. Let us hope on building on what we have accumulated so far, be it from the Monarchy, the Derg, the Socialist Mieson, the crazy Albanians or others such as those who claim as “colonized” by Ethiopia.

  7. You are absolutely right, let us take the positivie aspects of all the above factions to develop a polical culture of agreeing to disagree and/or form a consensus through a democratic process without having to take things personally or hold grudge if ones idea did not prevail or plot over one another so as to splinter to agree over a common goal for Unity, Territorial Integrity, Sovereignity of Ethiopia and Ethiopians with a unified strategies to overpower the multi-layer, hierarchical political model of TPLF/eprdf regime. It calls for the ardent supporters of “the monarchy, the Derg, the Socialist Mieson, the crazy Albanians or otherssuch as those who claim as “colonized by Ethiopia” as well as UDJP supporters and/or Medrek supporters of loyalist opposion parties with ethnic agenda to save the organic entity of Ethiopia from disintegration.

    Once the silent majority attains freedom via the democratic revolution, not coup de etat, not armed struggle, although armed struggle could be complementary if wadged from inside Ethiopia, not from Eritrea, then democracy meaning a rule by the people for the people will prevail with vote of the silent majority by electing a party the governs with the consent of the governed. That however with ethnic based politics that leads to ethnic dictatorship by by one ethnic group or another. Ethiopia is for all Ethiopians, it can not be parceled by language spoken, while languages traditions and cultures may be developed in each localities to accetuate the mosaic of cultures and languages, its strength in diversity, living in harmony and jointly overpowering internal and external enemies and developing the country along ecological , not ethnical zones with no conflict over boundries.

    From scrutinizing the ones we mentioned above which party/faction fits that political model? That is something to think about, along with what stated above in your concluding remark.

  8. Ato AHA

    You said it well. We have come to the same conclusions. This is the result of discussions and communications. By the way, do you know that Eritreans will join provided that democracy prevails in Ethiopia? What do you think?

  9. Yes, the Eritreans will join, if they have a democratic revolution of their own to engage in a peaceful struggle outside the current scenario or arrangements of working with mirror images of TPLF/eprdf regime to make the implementation of the political model of the positive forces of integration a reality, by focusing on Ethiopiawinet before ethnicity.

  10. AHA : E’EHH : WAA!

    Mr. AHA ! you are on the right direction and you have a positive attitude. When you say AHA that means you have accepted to listen. I wish a lot of people say AHA i.e. it is moment of truth.

    Those who regret say EHH! and those who threaten say WAA. Do we include these two in our categories> I do not think so.

    Call me by my name, what is my name Mr. AHA?

  11. We should all have an aha! moment to have discerned the truth, the right movement to free Ethiopia and Ethiopians from the the economic and and political strangle hold of Ethiopia and Ethiopians by TPLF and TPLF affiliated enterprises in a multi-layer, hierarchical political model of TPLF/eprdf regime with ethnic dictatorship.

  12. Yes let us do it.

    This is the 2010 – a year of positive attitudes, not negative year Zetegn or Tishaate.

    Let us close this discussion for this is the tenth exchange between you and me.

    We will (hopefully) meet in another media or time. Thanks for your moment of AHA.

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